Exporting Scotland

“Trade negotiations are exercises in mutual self-interest. They are not power plays, or coercions” – David Davis. Former Brexit Secretary.

The annual ESS report came out last week and – as is traditional in Scottish politics – it was pounced on by those eager to make a quick headline out of the numbers. When statistical reports like this come out it’s always better to take a bit of time to dive a little deeper into them and to discuss the details that can often be far more interesting than those initial headlines.

The Carta Marina showing some of Scotland’s important trading partners in the 1500s.

First though, we should talk a little about what ESS is and what it measures (as well as what it doesn’t measure). Continue reading

That Was 2018

Bliadhna mhath ùr.

181122 Balance.jpg

Light and dark, land and sky in perfect balance. As all things should be at the turn of the year.

This year past has been one of the most rewarding I’ve experienced so far but also one of the most challenging. Principally, my colleague Ben’s moving from Head of Policy at Common Weal to Editor of CommonSpace led to me taking on the joint role of Head of Policy and Research and taking on roles in the co-ordination of various lines of policy work with various groups and volunteers who having been working with us in addition to the six policy papers I have personally authored through the year.

This doesn’t include the various newspaper articles and media appearances in which I’ve represented Common Weal nor my ongoing and extremely enjoyable Policy Tour in which I have visited pro-indy political party branches, Yes groups and, of course, Common Weal locals all over Scotland. I don’t have an exact count of how many talks I’ve given this year but I think I’ve been averaging around three per month. (I’m already taking bookings for 2019 so if you’d like me to visit your group, give me a shout)

Continue reading

Withdrawing Agreement

“Diplomacy is the art of letting someone else have your way.” – Sir David Frost

I was preparing this week to talk about the “Meaningful Vote” in the House of Commons which would have ratified or rejected Theresa May’s woefully inadequate Brexit deal.

A parody timeline of the Brexit negotiations. An incomprehensible tangle of flow lines point to scenarios such as "We're screwed", "Bring back Nick Clegg" and "Jacob Rees-Mogg as PM".

But things have progressed somewhat since I started planning that post. In a direction not necessarily to the advantage of the UK government. Theresa May, Strong and Stable, took her deal from the table.  She started into the face of the humiliation of losing a vote possibly by a triple digit majority and ran away to try to renegotiate with the EU – who have already said that renegotiation is not possible. If it turns out that they were not entirely solid on that principle, then they’ll surely exact a high price for any changes.

Continue reading

As Many As Are Agreed

“No democratic nation has ever signed up to be bound by such an extensive regime, imposed externally without any democratic control over the laws applied, nor the ability to decide to exit the arrangement.” – Dominic Raab in his resignation letter as Brexit Secretary.

I pity the journalists who have to do this kind of thing for a living. Especially the ones who have to wait several hours before seeing their article in print. A week is a lifetime in politics. Today, an hour merely felt like one.

BrexitAgreement

The Brexit Withdrawal Agreement has finally been agreed between the EU and UK negotiating teams. It has also been agreed by the Cabinet of the government – albeit only “collectively” (read: not unanimously – merely by majority. Rumours speak of an 18-11 vote). It now needs to be passed by the UK and EU Parliaments and then it’s done. So…what could go wrong?

So, what’s in it and what has happened

Continue reading

Transition Timelines

“Expect the best, plan for the worst, and prepare to be surprised.” – Denis Waitley

Robin McAlpine wrote an interesting article for his CommonSpace column this week. In it, he congratulates the response to the SNP’s National Assemblies especially the response of the attendees to our own campaign for an independent Scotland to establish a currency by day one of independence. Having spoken to the Common Weal activists who were there for us, and from my own experiences talking to groups around the country, I know how overwhelming the feeling is in favour of our position.

The Ideas Board from the Edinburgh National Assembly.

This is not to say that the feeling is unanimous though and a significant line of questioning is arising around Common Weal’s policy around the area of what this means for the transition period between a successful independence referendum and the formal date of independence. Some have voiced concern about our plan to take a full three years from the referendum to build the institutions that we need before becoming independent. So I want to lay out precisely why we have proposed this by contrasting it with other proposals on the table. I certainly wish to refute any claim that we’ve been somehow misleading in our campaign by trying to hide or downplay our three year timetable. After all, it’s right there on paragraph one of page one of our book How to Start a New Country (which you can buy or download for free here).

Pg1.png

Continue reading

Demanding Supplies – Supplying Demand

“There will be no downside to Brexit, only a considerable upside” – David Davis, October 2016

“Qu’ils mangent de la brioche” – Apocrypha, commonly attributed to Marie Antoinette

I hesitated to write this article. Why, shall become clear in the reading but the short version of it is that this is not just a sensitive topic but the mere act of talking or writing about it may provoke the negative effects discussed.

The artifact warehouse from Raiders of the Lost Ark.

I am talking about the recent stories that as we enter the “kinetic phase” of Brexit, beyond which any meaningful control of the course can be made, it is looking increasingly likely that the negotiations will conclude without a deal. The UK’s own red lines are insurmountable and are themselves incompatible with the EU’s red lines.

Continue reading

Battening Down the Borders

The UK Government phoned me last night. They are getting that desperate. The Brexit negotiations are well past being called a “shambles”. It’s a constitutional crisis of a kind that the UK hasn’t seen in decades – perhaps ever. The government is simply not equipped to deal with this kind of thing. Iain M Banks coined a term for this. An “Outside Context” problem. An event where nothing in the subject’s frame of reference or prior experience can possibly lead them to a solution. Banks described this kind of problem as one that civilizations encounter only once and in the same way that a sentence encounters a full stop.

london_in_ruin_by_dark_spawn-d4vi6kv

But there is a solution to the Outside Context problem and that’s to expand one’s context. To find someone from outside one’s one cognitive bubble who can see the problem in a different light.

And so the UK Government phoned me. I don’t know if I was first on the list, or last, or anywhere in between. I don’t suppose it really matters.

Continue reading

We Need To Talk About: The Growth Commission Report

If this is a discussion document – It’s time to start discussing it.

The Growth Commission’s long-awaited report is finally out and will surely take some time to fully digest. It has been described as a discussion document and a starting point for the revitalised case for independence; not the final word on SNP policy or national trajectory.

In many ways, the report covers ground now very familiar to campaigners in the independence debate. We’re all now quite familiar with the deep and systemic flaws of the UK’s economic system especially its regional inequality which, quite frankly, is embarrassing when compared to neighbouring countries in Europe.

14

(Source: Eurostat)

Continue reading

An Unequal Kingdom

“A system of government as close to federalism as you can have in a nation where one part forms 85% of the population” – Gordon Brown, 2014

The “F-word” is rearing its head again in Scottish politics. Federalism. An idea sometimes presented as a “credible” alternative to Scottish independence and a way of granting Scotland greater autonomy over its own affairs whilst maintaining the unity of the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, it’s also an idea that is rarely presented in any greater detail than that previous sentence.

Both Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats have flirted with this idea throughout their history and have been doing so again recently. In an attempt to raise the level of debate about this subject, I have just co-authored my latest policy paper for Common Weal with long-time constitutional activist Isobel Lindsay which you can read here or by clicking the image below. Isobel also has an article in the Sunday Herald which you can read here.

Unequal Kingdom Cover

Continue reading

The Scottish Budget 2017

“70% of taxpayers get a tax cut as a result of yesterday’s budget” – Nicola Sturgeon

“One million Scots to pay more income tax than rest of UK” – The Scotsman

Yesterday saw the unveiling of the first draft of the Scottish budget for 2018-19. You can read the proposals by clicking here or on the graphic below.

Budget image

My own brief comments have already been published via Common Weal and in The National but I wanted to expand on a few of the points here too.

Income Tax

Of course, this is the big headline grabbing policy change. Last year was the first year that Scotland had the power to adjust rates and bands of income tax and it used those powers then to not uplift the Higher Rate by inflation as was done in the rest of the UK. Cue howls of outrage from the Tories that for folk earning more than £44,000 per year, Scotland was now the “highest taxed part of the UK”.

This year, the Scottish government spend a good deal of time consulting with the other parties about their proposals for what to do next with income tax as well as offering several options of their own.

tax plans.png

In the end, the government has written their budget around a plan which doesn’t quite look like any of the proposals brought up before. From next year, Scotland’s income tax bands will change from this

Income up to Tax Rate
£11,500 0%
£43,000 20%
£150,000 40%
>£150,000 45%

to this

Income up to Tax Rate
£11,850 0%
£13,850 19%
£24,000 20%
£44,273 21%
£150,000 41%
>£150,000 46%

Two new bands have been added – one “Starter Rate” on income between £11,850 and £13,850 which offers a 1% tax cut and one on income between £24,000 and £44,273 which offers a 1% tax rise compared to last year – and the Higher and Additional rates have been increased by 1%.

Folk online have been arguing about who will be better or worse off under this plan. The truth is, it depends on what you’re comparing to. You could compare to the Scottish tax rates last year. You could uplift the bands by inflation and leave the rates as they were last year or you could compare to the 2018-19 UK rates.

Chart

Impact Percent

At my most cynical, I can see immediately that the comparison to the rest of the UK gives the Scottish Government a soundbite with which to counter the Tories. For folk earning less than £26,000 per year, Scotland now has the lowest income tax rate in the UK.

These changes are quite small though. Only about 1% up or down across the income scale.  The overall changes are projected to bring in only about an extra £160 million per year and greater increases in the upper rates were ruled out for fears that those on higher incomes would leave Scotland or otherwise evade or avoid the tax increase. This idea is, of course, subject to a great deal of dispute by the various parties.

There is substantial evidence that tax does not cause a great deal of migration across borders. The rich are people with friends, families and connections to the place they live just as much as everyone else.

On the other hand, the frankly Byzantine tax code in the UK does make it easy to move money around so the experience of other states and countries may not reflect onto Scotland and the data about upper income tax flight in the UK is very limited (see from 50min in the video above and from 56min for information about Scotland). The bold might say that there’s only one way to find out…

Far more important than the actual revenue impact of the income tax changes is the willingness to change itself. Scotland now has a more progressive tax system than the rest of the UK and has now set a precedent for adjusting tax to suit the needs of Scotland rather than to just constantly look over the shoulder at what the UK is doing. It will be interesting to see how this idea beds in and develops in coming years.

It remains a shame that Scotland still can’t have a comprehensive discussion about taxation and we’re reduced to either lumping everything on income tax or tinkering around with the more minor devolved taxes. I’ve spoken at length about the Air Departure Tax but even I can’t work up much excitement about the prospect of radical change to the Aggregate Levy.

Public Sector Pay

There was a pleasant addition to the budget here. After years of pay being capped at 1%, public sector workers will be getting a pay increase of 3% if they earn less than £30,000 per year, 2% if they earn less than £80,000 per year and a flat increase of £1,600 if they earn more than that.

Of course, their taxes are likely to be changing too but only if said worker is earning in the region of £170,000 or more would the increase to their taxes exceed their pay rise (and I’m reasonably certain that there won’t be too many in that position).

This is welcome news although it should be tempered by the fact that inflation is now running at 3.1% and rising. This pay increase still represents a wage squeeze for public sector workers and doesn’t even begin to start undoing the damage caused by the years of the cap. This increase certainly isn’t news to be condemned but it’s still not much more than a short term salve.

Housing

The housing policies in the budget don’t seem to be making too many waves. There’s extra money for housing but a good deal of it seems to be aimed at the private market which has already been the recipient of substantial subsidy.

The proposal to cut the Land and Buildings Transaction Tax for first-time buyers is a major error of judgment. Unlike the divergence with the rest of the UK on income tax, this proposal is a mirroring of the UK policy. Under this cut, 80% of first-time buyers will no longer pay LBTT on properties priced below the threshold. At least they recognised the lower house prices in Scotland and set the threshold at £175,000 instead of the UK’s threshold of £300,000.

But the logic of the tax relief is similarly misplaced though. If you can afford a house at £175,000 without the tax relief, you can afford the house with it. But if you can’t afford the house at £175,000 then it’s very unlikely that a £600 discount is going to make any difference.

This means that there is absolutely no barrier at all to the seller increasing the price of the house by £600 and swallowing up the tax. This cut will merely cause £5 – £7 million per year worth of tax revenue to transfer to those who are selling property.

Regional Council Funding

When the UK budget came out last month and we were told by Westminster that the Scottish government was gaining money in the capital budget but losing it in the revenue budget but if the Scottish Government wanted to make up the different by raising taxes then it was absolutely free to either do so otherwise it could take responsibility for passing on the cuts.

Block Grant change 2017

Well, this same rhetoric appears to have been repeated from the Scottish Government with regard to our regional councils. Their revenue budgets will be frozen in cash terms but with inflation running at 3% this means quite a substantial real terms cut. In addition, the public sector pay increase will likely have to come out of that regional authority resource budget which will further increase pressure on councils. The have the “freedom” to increase council tax to make up the shortfall but it remains to be seen how many choose to do so, especially now with every council in Scotland governed by coalitions of various stripes.

This is the area where I expect most of the fighting to occur during the negotiations before the budget is actually voted on in Parliament next year. The SNP can’t pass it on their own. They’re going to need another party to either vote for it or at the very least abstain to get it through.

The Greens were fairly enthusiastic about the approach to income tax but have set this funding freeze as a red line against their support for the budget as a whole. I don’t believe the Lib Dems are any happier with it and with the Tories certain to oppose and Labour not much less so, there’s going to be a bit of trading required to gain enough support to pass the final bill. I wouldn’t be surprised if Derek Mackay has another rummage down the back of the sofa for some extra cash as he did last year.

One more radical solution would be to recognise that wealth inequality is far higher in Scotland than income inequality and that maybe it is time to explore news forms of local taxation like local land taxes or other taxes on wealth.

Scottish National Investment Bank

Now here is a real good news story. The SNIB is on its way! The first two year tranche of funding, totaling £340 million, has been included in this budget as has the planning and infrastructure to continue that funding beyond the first two years. The Common Weal plan called for the bank to be capitalised to a total of £2 billion over several years so this is a very good first step. If we were a fully sovereign nation with full control over monetary policy it would, of course, be trivial to fully capitalise this bank but we’re not and Scotland only has limited capital spending powers so we need to build up the funds over several years. This is fine though, the bank still needs to be set up and ramped into operation anyway.

The bank is still in the very early planning stages but discussions with the government about its design and the need for it to look out for the common good have been received very positively.

In the long term, this bank will be a major factor in supporting local economies and helping Scotland’s overall economy remain flexible and adaptable in a rapidly changing world. This, if we stick at it and do it right, could be the most transformational policy of the decade.

Conclusion

In terms of political maneuvering, this budget sent out many of the right signals. Increased progressiveness on taxes, more money for public sector workers, the start of better economic investment. They are all good moves and show a willingness for Scotland to not just be different from the rest of the UK but for Scotland to be Scotland without having to compare itself to the UK in the same way that the UK doesn’t constant compare itself to Ireland or France when setting budgets.

But, and it is a big but, many of changes aren’t themselves going to do all that much. A <1% change in take home pay isn’t going to save the day or break the bank for many folk.

As a stepping stone though? As a definite signal that Scotland is willing to be better? I’ll take that. Let’s try to build on it next year and beyond.

TCG Logo 7